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unrest [noun] - social or political discontent: social or political discontent or protest that disrupts the established order

Benigno Aquino Jr. once told us that “Filipinos are worth dying for…”, yet with all the thousands of lives that were sacrificed for the welfare of the nation, it seems that the true spirit of EDSA lives on through two opposing poles: the positive and the negative. Positive because we Filipinos still believes in the power of the people and prayer even though at times we really couldn’t get our acts straight that leads to nationwide divisiveness. Negative because we never learn from the lessons of history. We keep on committing the very same mistakes all over again, thus resulting into an unprecedented sequels of seemingly endless toppling of corruption-stricken and greed-driven government; an unrest that haunted us since the tumultuous era of the 1970’s up to our present time of 2008. What we died for 22 years ago has its own series of repetitions and I think, Filipinos will still risk their lives just to uphold freedom in a fully democratic republic, even if it seems we die all over again, even if it seems that the recurrence is a travesty, even if it seems that we don’t learn from the lesson’s of history and even if it seems that our ideals are products of our own concept of utopia .

PEOPLE POWER

IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY

Civil unrest under Marcos regime

The First Quarter Storm was a period of unrest in the Philippines, composed of a series of heavy demonstrations, protests, and marches against the government from January to March 1970, two years before the Philippines were placed under martial law.

The movement was led Adrian Aquino , echoing recent student demonstrations all around the world before 1970. Laborers also took part, who protested against graft and corruption in government, and the decline in the economy caused by high oil prices. Some sources stated that the unrest is the plan to overthrow the government through communist as well as socialist support to the masses, as well as students and workers who facilitated the storm.

The storm ended up being violent especially when the police used tear gas and even armed weapons to quell the demonstrators. Some of the surviving students, mostly from the University of the Philippines, resorted to Marxism, and Armed Struggle.

EDSA Revolution of 1986

The People Power Revolution (also known as the EDSA Revolution and the Philippine Revolution of 1986) was a series of nonviolent and prayerful mass street demonstrations in the Philippines that occurred in 1986. The protests were the culmination of a long resistance by the people against the 20-year running authoritarian regime of then current president Ferdinand Marcos and made news headlines as “the revolution that surprised the world”. The majority of the demonstrations took place at Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, known more commonly by its acronym EDSA, in Quezon City, Metropolitan Manila and involved over 200,000 Filipino civilians as well as several political and military figures. The protests, fueled by a resistance and opposition of years of corrupt governance by Marcos, occurred from February 22 to 25 in 1986, when Marcos fled Malacañang Palace to the United States and conceded to Corazon Aquino as President of the Philippines.

The Marcos regime

Throughout his presidency, Ferdinand Marcos had set up a regime in the Philippines that would give him ultimate power over the military and the national treasury. Following his declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972,[6] Marcos immediately began to embezzle money from the government and order the military to kill any political competition against him. As a result, the Philippine economy began to tumble greatly, and the nation lost its competitive edge in Southeast Asia.

Several groups of people, however, even within the government, conspired throughout the term of the Marcos regime to overthrow him. They were led by the popular public figure, opposition senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr, said to be leaning to a left-wing solution. While gaining popularity amongst the Filipino people for his stance against Marcos, Aquino was eventually forced to seek exile in the United States for his beliefs after several groups threatened to assassinate him. However, in 1983, despite being warned not to return to the Philippines, Aquino announced that he would fly back to fight for his people.

Assassination of Ninoy Aquino

Despite warnings from the military and other pro-Marcos groups not to return to the Philippines, Ninoy Aquino announced that he would return. On August 21, 1983, after a three-year exile in the United States, as he disembarked from his aircraft at the then-Manila International Airport (now named after him), Aquino was assassinated. His assassination shocked and outraged many Filipinos, most of whom by then had lost confidence in the Marcos administration. The event led to more suspicions on the government, triggered non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually caused more civil disobedience. It also shook the Marcos government, which was by then deteriorating, in part due to Marcos’ worsening condition and eventual fatal illness.

The assassination of Ninoy Aquino in 1983 caused the economic problems of the country to deteriorate even further, and the government plunged further into debt. By the end of 1983, the country was bankrupt, and the economy contracted by 6.8%.

In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, led by Chief Justice Fernando, to launch an inquiry and investigation into Aquino’s assassination. Despite the commission’s conclusions, Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila at the time, declined an offer to join the commission, rejecting the government’s views on the assassination. In October of that year, Marcos appointed a second commission to investigate. The commission’s final report accused the military of staging a conspiracy to assassinate Aquino, dealing another major blow to the already collapsing government.

Calls for election

On November 23, 1985, after pressures from Washington[10], Marcos suddenly announced that a presidential snap elections would take place the following year, one year ahead of the regular presidential election schedule, to legitimize his control over the country. The snap elections was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-controlled unicameral congress called the Regular Batasang Pambansa. The growing opposition movement encouraged Ninoy Aquino’s widow, Corazon Aquino, to run for the presidency with Salvador Laurel as running mate for vice-president. Marcos ran for re-election, with Arturo Tolentino as his running mate.

The elections were held on February 7, 1986. The electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results. The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino’s 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes against Marcos’ 7,053,068 points.

Because of reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate also passed a resolution stating the same condemnation. US president Ronald Reagan, a friend of Marcos, issued a statement calling the fraud reports as “disturbing”. In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53 percent won over Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52 percent of votes.

Marcos was still proclaimed the winner amidst the controversy. The Filipino people refused to accept the results, however, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both “winners” took their oath of office in two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support. Appalled by the apparent election irregularities, Juan Ponce Enrile, then secretary of National Defense, and some military officials tried to set in motion a coup attempt against Marcos that they have been planning for some time. However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders’ arrest.

The Defection

The events of the revolution started when two key leaders of the military withdrew their support for Marcos. At 6:45 p.m. on Friday, February 22, 1986, the Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile and the Vice Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces Lt. Gen. (later president) Fidel Ramos announced at a press conference that they felt Marcos had stolen the election. Therefore, they declared that they could no longer support Marcos and that Aquino was the rightful president. Subsequently, they barricaded themselves in two military camps: Ramos at Camp Crame, Headquarters of the Philippine Constabulary-Integrated National Police and Enrile at the Ministry of National Defense in Camp Aguinaldo. Both camps faced each other across EDSA in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Supported by only a few hundred fellow soldiers, Enrile and Ramos prepared for the inevitable attack by Marcos-loyal troops led by Gen. Fabian Ver, the Armed Forces Chief of Staff.

A few hours later, Radio Veritas—a Roman Catholic Church radio station which helped amplifying the voice of the Filipinos during the mass revolution and the only non-government-controlled radio station—replayed the press conference nationwide. Marcos himself later conducted his own news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to “stop this stupidity.”

At about 9 p.m., in a message aired over Radio Veritas, the highly influential Catholic Archbishop of Manila Jaime Cardinal Sin exhorted Filipinos to come to the aid of the rebel leaders by going to EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Nevertheless, many people, especially priests and nuns, trooped to EDSA.

Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. Nemenzo stated that: “Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not possible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours.” Similarly, a certain account in the event said that: “Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was going.”

Rising mass support

At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the provinces. The station switched to a standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast. The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.

Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups sang Bayan Ko (My Homeland), which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the LABAN (fight) sign, which is an “L” formed with their thumb and index finger.

Shortly after lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people. Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops. Tadiar threatened the crowds but they did not budge. In the end, the troops were forced to retreat with no shots fired.

By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed. Shortly after midnight, the staff were able to go to another station to begin broadcasting from a secret location under the moniker “Radyo Bandido” (Bandit Radio). June Keithley was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas’ program throughout the night and in the remaining days.

More Defections

At dawn on February 24, Monday, the first serious encounter with government troops occurred. Marines marching from Libis, in the east, lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. Some 3,000 Marines then entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo.

Later, helicopters manned by the 15th Air Force Strike Wing, led by Major General Antonio Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite to head to Camp Crame. Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it, with the crowds cheering and hugging the soldiers who came out. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement. In the afternoon, Aquino arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, RAM officers and a throng were waiting.

The capture of Channel 4

At around that time, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcasted this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds. The jubilation was however short-lived as Marcos later appeared on television on the government-controlled Channel 4, declaring that he would not step down. It was thereafter speculated that the false report was a calculated move against Marcos to encourage more defections.

During this broadcast, Channel 4 suddenly went off the air. A contingent of rebels, under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. Channel 4 was put back online, shortly after noon, with a voice declaring, “This is Channel 4. Serving the people again.” By this time, the crowds at EDSA had swollen to over a million. (Some estimates placed them at two million.)

In the late afternoon, rebel helicopters attacked Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential vehicles. Another helicopter went to Malacañang, fired a rocket and caused minor damage. Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected; the majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.

The inaugurations

On the morning of February 25, Tuesday, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the government-owned Channel 9 tower, near Channel 4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station.

Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as President by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as Vice-President by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by Aurora Aquino, the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians. Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, about hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Homeland, a popular folk song and the unofficial national anthem) was sung after Aquino’s oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino’s campaign for presidency.

An hour later, Marcos conducted the inauguration at Malacañang. Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting “Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)”. On the Palace balcony, Marcos took his oath as the President of the Philippines, broadcast by the remaining government television channels and channel 7. None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony for security reason (although Moscow sent a congratulatory message). The couple finally stepped out in the balcony of the palace in front of the 3000 KBL loyalists who were shouting to Marcos: “Capture the snakes!” First Lady Imelda Marcos sang one more rendition of “Dahil Sa Iyo” (Because of You), the couple’s theme song, rather tearfully, chanting her trademark Tagalog entreaties:

Because of you I attained happiness
I offer you my love
If it is true that you shall enslave me
All of this is because of you.

After the inauguration, the Marcos family and their close associates hurriedly rushed to leave the Palace. The broadcast of the event was also cut off as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations.

By this time, tens of hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.

Marcos’ departure

At 3:00 p.m., Monday, (American time) Marcos talked to US Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to “cut and cut cleanly”,to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four American helicopters to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before heading on to Guam, and finally to Hawaii.

When the news of Marcos’ departure reached the people, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators were finally able to enter Malacañang Palace, long denied to Filipinos in the past decade. Looting by overly angry protesters occurred, but mostly people wandered inside, looking at the place where all the decisions that changed the course of Philippine history had been made.

Many people around the world rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. Bob Simon, an anchorman at CBS said, “We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy; well, tonight they are teaching the world.”

Aftermath

Despite the People Power Revolution, the democratic political system of the Philippines is still fragile and flawed. Patronage politics still hinders the development of democracy and resources are still at the hands of the few. However, the fall of Marcos and the collapse of the Communist movements has discouraged non-democratic alternatives to politics. The revolution also provided the restoration of democratic institutions after thirteen years of authoritarian rule. These institutions can be used by political and social actors to challenge the entrenched political clans and develop Philippine democracy.

EDSA Revolution of 2001

The EDSA Revolution of 2001, also called by the local media as EDSA II (pronounced as EDSA Dos or EDSA 2) or the Second People Power Revolution, is the common name of the four-day popular revolution that peacefully overthrew Philippine President Joseph Estrada from January 17 - January 20, 2001. He was succeeded by his then vice president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. EDSA is an acronym derived from Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, the major highway that encircles Metro Manila. The revolt took place in the business district of Ortigas Center.

On October 4, 2000. Ilocos Sur Governor Luis “Chavit” Singson, a longtime friend of President Joseph Estrada, went public with accusations that Estrada, his family and friends received millions of pesos from operations of the illegal numbers game, jueteng.

The exposé immediately ignited reactions of rage. The next day, Senate Minority Leader Teofisto Guingona Jr. delivered a fiery privilege speech accusing Estrada of receiving P220 million in jueteng money from Governor Singson from November 1998 to August 2000, as well as taking P70 million on excise tax on cigarettes intended for Ilocos Sur. The privilege speech was referred by Senate President Franklin Drilon, to the Blue Ribbon Committee and the Committee on Justice for joint investigation. Another committee in the House of Representatives decided to investigate the exposé, while other house members spearheaded a move to impeach the president.

More calls for resignation came from Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, former Presidents Corazon Aquino and Fidel Ramos, and Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (who had resigned her cabinet position of Secretary of the Department of Social Welfare and Services). More resignations came from Estrada’s cabinet and economic advisers, and other members of congress defected from his ruling party.

On November 13, 2000, the House of Representatives led by Speaker Manuel Villar transmitted the Articles of Impeachment, signed by 115 representatives, to the Senate. This caused shakeups in the leadership of both houses of congress. The impeachment trial was formally opened on November 20, with twenty-one senators taking their oaths as judges, and Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. presiding. The trial began on December 7.

The day-to-day trial was covered on live Philippine television and received the highest viewing rating at the time. Among the highlights of the trial was the testimony of Clarissa Ocampo, senior vice president of Equitable-PCI Bank, who testified that she was one foot away from Estrada when he signed the name “Jose Velarde” documents involving a P500 million investment agreement with their bank in February 2000.

On January 17, 2001, the impeachment trial of President Estrada moved to the investigation of an envelope containing crucial evidence that would allegedly prove acts of political corruption by Estrada. Senators allied with Estrada moved to block the evidence. The conflict between the senators, judges, and the prosecution became deeper, but Senator Francisco Tatad requested to the Impeachment court to make a vote for opening the second envelope. The vote resulted in 10 senators in favor of examining the evidence, and 11 senators in favor of suppressing it. The list of senators who voted for the second envelope are as follows:

After the vote, Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. resigned as Senate President and walked out of the impeachment proceedings together with the 9 opposition Senators and 11 prosecutors in the Estrada impeachment trial. The 11 administration senators who voted YES to block the opening of the second envelope remained in Senate Session Hall. They were chanted with “JOE’S COHORTS” where their surnames were arranged.

Day 1: January 17, 2001

All 11 prosecutors in the Estrada impeachment trial resigned. Sen. Tessie Aquino-Oreta, one of the three female senators who voted against opening the envelope (a “NO” vote), was seen on nationwide television and most people had the impression that she was dancing joyfully as the opposition walked out. This further fueled the growing anti-ERAP sentiments of the crowd gathered at EDSA Shrine, and she became the most vilified and accursed of the 11 senators. She was labeled a “prostitute” and a “concubine” of ERAP for her dancing act. Sen. Defensor-Santiago was also ridiculed, as the crowd tagged her as a “lunatic” (it came from her reputation of being overly intelligent).

Day 2: January 18, 2001

The crowd continues to grow, bolstered by students from private schools and left-wing organizations.

Day 3: January 19, 2001

The Philippine National Police and the Armed Forces of the Philippines withdraw their support for Estrada, joining the crowds at the EDSA Shrine.

At 5:00pm, Estrada appears on television for the first time since the beginning of the protests and maintains that he will not resign. He says he wants the impeachment trial to continue, stressing that only a guilty verdict will remove him from office.

At 6:15pm, Estrada again appears on television, calling for a snap presidential election to be held concurrently with congressional and local elections on May 14, 2001. He adds that he will not run in this election.

Day 4: January 20, 2001

At noon, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo takes her oath of office in the presence of the crowd at EDSA, becoming the 14th president of the Philippines.

At 2:00 pm, Estrada releases a letter saying he had “strong and serious doubts about the legality and constitutionality of her proclamation as president”, but saying he would give up his office to avoid being an obstacle to healing the nation.

Later, Estrada and his family leave Malacañang Palace, smiling and waving to reporters and shaking hands with the remaining members of his Cabinet and other palace employees. He was placed under house arrest and eventually confined to his rest home in Sampaloc, a small village in Tanay, Rizal.

Criticism

The only means of legitimizing the event was the last-minute Supreme Court ruling that “the welfare of the people is the supreme law.” But by then, the Armed Forces of the Philippines days ago already withdrew support for the president, which some analysts call unconstitutional and most foreign political analysts would agree. William Overholt, a Hong Kong-based political economist said that “It is either being called mob rule or mob rule as a cover for a well-planned coup,” “But either way, it’s not democracy.” It should also be noted that opinion was divided during EDSA II about whether Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as the incumbent Vice-president should be president if Joseph Estrada was ousted; many groups who participated in EDSA II expressly stated that they did not want Arroyo for president either, and some of them would later participate in EDSA III. The prevailing Constitution of the Philippines calls for the Vice-President of the Philippines, Arroyo at the time, to act as interim president when the President-elect is incapacitated.

World reaction to the administration change was mixed. Though foreign nations, including the United States, immediately expressed recognition of the legitimacy of Arroyo’s presidency, foreign commentators described the revolt as “a defeat for due process of law”, “mob rule,” and a “de facto coup”.

On January 18, 2008, Joseph Estrada’s Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) caused full-page advertisement in Metro Manila newspapers, blaming EDSA 2 of having “inflicted a dent on Philippine democracy”. It’s featured clippings questioned the constitutionality of the revolution. The published featured clippings were taken from Time, New York Times, Straits Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Asia Times Online, The Economist, and International Herald Tribune. Supreme Court justice Cecilia Muñoz Palma opined that EDSA 2 violated the 1987 Constitution.

Parody of EDSA Revolutions

EDSA III (pronounced EDSA Tres) was a rebellion sparked by the arrest in April 2001 of newly deposed President Joseph Estrada of the Philippines. The rebellion was held for several days in a major highway in Metro Manila, the Epifanio de los Santos Avenue or EDSA, which eventually culminated in an attempt to storm the Malacanang presidential palace. Taking place four months after EDSA Revolution of 2001, the protests were asserted as a more populist and representative uprising in comparison to the previous demonstrations in the same location, in January 2001. The protests and the attack on the presidential palace, however, failed in their objectives. Participants continue to claim that it was a genuine People Power event, a claim disputed by the participants and supporters of EDSA II. President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has acknowledged the divisive nature of the two terminologies by saying in one statement that she hoped to be the president of “EDSA II and EDSA III.”

April 30, 2001

The crowd of an alleged several hundred thousand people (although according to Iglesia ni Cristo-owned broadcast network Net 25 and to Senator Sotto, a high of over 3 million in the evening of April 30), most of whom were members of the urban poor and devotees of the Iglesia ni Cristo which institutionally supported Estrada, gathered at the Roman Catholic EDSA Shrine, the site of the January EDSA II revolt which had toppled Estrada from the presidency.

News organizations aiming to cover the rally were advised not approach the area, as there were reports of stones being thrown at cameramen, particularly those from ABS-CBN.

The protest was led by members of the political opposition of the time, most notably Senators Juan Ponce Enrile, Miriam Defensor Santiago and Vicente Sotto III.

May 1, 2001

The rebellion aimed to remove Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo from the presidency and to reinstate Estrada. The rebellion came to a head on the morning of May 1, 2001 most of the people left specially the Iglesia ni Cristo members as an agreement of their leaders and the government. Still hundreds of thousands of protesters stormed towards Malacañang Palace, the presidential residence; government soldiers and the policemen dispersed the marchers, causing violence. Several broadcast vans of ABS-CBN were torched by members of the crowd, while others attacked the police and soldiers with rocks, sticks, and pipes. The police and military responded with force after implementing a “maximum tolerance” policy, which led to the injury of many of the protesters. President Arroyo declared a State of Rebellion in the National Capital Region pursuant to Proclamation No. 38 and arrested leaders who participated in the said rebellion like Senator Juan Ponce Enrile but released on bail. On May 7, 2001, President Arroyo lifted the State of Rebellion.

Aftermath

Hours after the crowds of EDSA III were dispersed, representatives of the Archdiocese of Manila and Civil Society supporters of the Arroyo administration reclaimed the Edsa Shrine where there had been alleged acts of vandalism and garbage everywhere and the vicinity stank of human waste.

Critics of “EDSA Tres,” styled after the People Power Revolution (EDSA Revolution) and EDSA Revolution of 2001, argue that while this was a major protest, the spirit of it was unlike of the first and second protests. Supporters of “Edsa Tres” journalism allege that EDSA’s I and II’s participants were made up of the middle and upper classes and thus, not democratically-representative unlike those who participated in EDSA Tres. Other arguments also point to the success of the first two to remove the presidents targeted, versus this event’s failure to do so.

Philippine NBN Controversy

The Philippine National Broadband Network controversy (or the NBN/ZTE deal, NBN/ZTE mess) is a political affair that centers upon allegations of corruption primarily involving former Commission on Elections (COMELEC) Chairman Benjamin Abalos, First Gentleman Mike Arroyo and Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo regarding the proposed government-managed National Broadband Network (NBN) for the Philippines and the awarding of its construction to the Chinese firm Zhong Xing Telecommunication Equipment Company Limited (ZTE), a telecommunications and networking equipment provider.

The issue has captivated Filipino politics since it erupted in Philippine media around August 2007, largely through the articles of newspaper columnist Jarius Bondoc of the Philippine Star. It has also taken an interesting turn of events, including the resignation of Benjamin Abalos as COMELEC chairman, the alleged bribery of congressmen and provincial governors (dubbed as “Bribery in the Palace”), the unseating of Jose de Venecia, Jr. as House Speaker, and the alleged “kidnapping” of designated National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) consultant-turned-NBN/ZTE witness Rodolfo Noel “Jun” Lozada, Jr.

Causes

On April 2007, Department of Transportation and Communications (DOTC) Secretary Leandro Mendoza and ZTE Corp. Vice President Yu Yong entered into a US$ 329.5 million contract for a national broadband network (NBN) that will improve government communications capabilities. On the 21st of the same month, Mrs. Arroyo flew to China and witnessed the contract signing between the Department of Transportation and Communication and ZTE Corp. in Boao province, despite the fact that, at the time, the First Gentleman was still recovering from a critical condition, having recently undergone surgery for aortic aneurysm.

On August 29, Nueva Vizcaya Congressman Carlos Padilla hinted in a privilege speech that Commission on Elections (COMELEC) Chairman Benjamin Abalos went to China to broker a deal for the NBN project. The following day, Abalos denied brokering for the NBN project, although he did admit going to China four times.

On September 5, Senator Aquilino Pimentel called for a Senate investigation about the NBN project. As a result, three committees held joint hearings about the issue: the Accountability of Public Officers & Investigations (aka the Blue Ribbon Committee) headed by Alan Peter Cayetano, the National Defense and Security committee headed by Rodolfo Biazon and the Trade and Commerce committee headed by Mar Roxas.

De Venecia’s testimony

Jose “Joey” de Venecia III, son of House Speaker Jose de Venecia, Jr., testified on September 10 that he was with Abalos in China and that he heard Abalos “demand money” from ZTE officials. The younger de Venecia was president of Amsterdam Holdings, Inc. (AHI), the company that lost its bid to ZTE for the NBN project.

On September 11, the Supreme Court of the Philippines promulgated a temporary restraining order (TRO) on the $329-million national broadband network (NBN) contract between the Philippine government and China’s ZTE based on separate certiorari suits filed by Iloilo Vice-Governor and former Representative Rolex Suplico and Joey de Venecia III. Under political pressure from the opposition group, the court gave ZTE fifteen days to comment on the injunction. Suplico, a former opposition congressman, alleged that the agreement was sealed without public bidding and violated the Telecoms Policy Act, which required privatization of all telecommunications facilities. Congressman Padilla sued DOTC and ZTE officials of violating the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, the Telecommunications Policy Act, the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) Act and the Government Procurement Act at the Office of the Ombudsman. AHI also petitioned the Court to direct the DOTC to provide copies of the contract, since it should have won the same. The younger de Venecia testified on September 18 that Mike Arroyo, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s husband, personally told him to “back off” from pursuing the NBN project.

Neri’s testimony

On the September 20 Senate hearing, Cabinet officials attended the hearing except for former National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) Chairman (now Commission on Higher Education Chairman) Romulo Neri, who was sick. On September 22, 2007, president Arroyo suspended the broadband contract with ZTE after the bribery scandal sparked major problems in her government.

Neri and Abalos finally faced each other on the September 26 Senate hearing; Neri testified that Abalos told him “Sec, may 200 ka dito” while playing golf at Wack Wack Golf Club; they had been discussing the ZTE deal at that time. Abalos denied making the apparent bribe attempt. Neri later invoked executive privilege in response to some Senators’ questions. He later shunned succeeding Senate hearings still citing executive privilege

On September 27, 2007, ZTE petitioned the Supreme Court to lift the TRO alleging, in its urgent omnibus motion, inter alia, that the injunction cost the company millions.

Abalos announced his resignation as COMELEC chairman on October 1; Resurreccion Borra succeeded him as COMELEC chairman. President Arroyo on her October 2 trip to China, said to Chinese President Hu Jintao her “difficult decision” to cancel ZTE Corp.’s contract for the NBN project.

Lozada’s kidnapping and testimony

On January 30, 2008, the Senate produced warrants of arrest to Neri and Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada, Jr., former chief executive officer of the government-run Philippine Forest Corporation and a consultant of the NEDA. Neri then went into hiding while Lozada skipped the Senate hearing and went to Hong Kong. Meanwhile, House Speaker de Venecia lost a motion of confidence vote on February 5, which unseated him as House Speaker; his partymate at Lakas-CMD, Prospero Nograles of Davao City, succeeded him as speaker.

On February 5, as the Senate arresting team waited on the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) on Lozada’s arrival, Lozada was taken by unidentified people “out of town” and Lozada’s kin appealed for help on his whereabouts. On February 7, Lozada finally surfaced as police took him to La Salle Green Hills, Mandaluyong City. Lozada linked Mike Arroyo and Abalos to the ZTE scandal. On the same day, the Supreme Court stopped the Senate from arresting Neri, ordering a status quo; Neri then resurfaced after the threat of arrest was taken off.

The next day, on a Philippine Senate hearing, Lozada confirmed his NEDA boss Romulo Neri’s testimony that Commission on Elections (COMELEC) chairman Benjamin Abalos and Arroyo’s husband Mike Arroyo were behind the kickbacks in the deal. Lozada’s statement was made after he was “abducted” on the orders of Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) secretary Lito Atienza, Neri, former Presidential Management Staff head Michael Defensor, Secretary for Special Concerns Remedios Poblador and Deputy Executive Secretary Manuel Gaite.

On February 11, upon continuation of Senate hearings, the government denied on kidnapping Lozada. Lozada claimed he was driven around Metro Manila and even reached Los Baños, Laguna, before he was transported to the La Salle Green Hills seminary. According to DENR Secretary Atienza, Lozada, who is his boss as the Philippine Forest Corp. is under the DENR, asked for his help as “he feared for his life” as he returned from Hong Kong. Joey de Venecia later claimed that ZTE advanced USD 1 million to Abalos; senators pointed out that this qualifies as “plunder” under Philippine criminal law since the advance was given when the foreign exchange was at about PHP 50 to $1, thus equaling the PHP 50 million floor for plunder.

Ombudsman Cases

The Office of the Ombudsman subpoenaed First Gentleman Mike Arroyo, Neri, the de Venecias and Abalos to hear their side of the story. The case was filed by former vice president Teofisto Guingona, Jr., several lawyers, Fr. Jose Dizon and party-list Representatives Joel Villanueva and Ana Theresia Hontiveros-Baraquel, among others.

Reactions

After the Lozada testimony, several sectors and prominent people such as Joey de Venecia and senator Panfilo Lacson called for president Arroyo’s resignation, while Senate President Manuel Villar and senator Alan Peter Cayetano called for a leave of absence. Vice President Noli de Castro on the other hand, asked President Arroyo and other government officials “should be charged” if they would be found directly involved in the alleged anomalies.

On February 12, the Makati Business Club and other about 80 groups called for Arroyo’s resignation.

An estimated 10,000 people held a protest rally in front of Ninoy Aquino statue in Makati City to demand the resignation of Arroyo in February 15. More than 4,000 including former President Corazon Aquino and Lozada attended the Sunday mass at the La Salle Green Hills’ St. Benilde Auditorium.

Maybe, just maybe, history might repeat itself once again…

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Source: People Power Revolution / Fall of Estrada / May 1 Riots / Philippine National Broadband Network Controversy